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SIR గురించి ఇన్ని అబద్ధాలా? నిలదీసిన సివిల్ సర్వెంట్లు || Indian Elections and SIR || Jagriti Tv

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SIR గురించి ఇన్ని అబద్ధాలా? నిలదీసిన సివిల్ సర్వెంట్లు || Indian Elections and SIR || Jagriti Tv

3 972 просмотра · 11 дн. назад
Jagriti Tv
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3 972 просмотра · 11 дн. назад
#indianelections #sir కళ్లారా చూసిందేంటో.. జరిగిన అన్యాయమేంటో.. వివరించిన అధికారులు || Indian Elections and SIR || Jagriti Tv The political rhetoric surrounding the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls has acquired a familiar vocabulary: “Vote Chori”, “SIR Scam” and “ECI Bias”. Repeated often enough, such slogans can create an impression of settled fact. But electoral controversies are ultimately tested not by the volume of political rhetoric, but by chronology, institutional records, judicial scrutiny and verifiable evidence. First, the chronology does not support the claim that 13 crore voters were deleted through SIR to influence the 2024 Lok Sabha election. The general election was held in April–June 2024, whereas the present SIR exercise began only in June 2025. The names left out of the draft rolls during the revision therefore could not have been removed to influence an election that had already taken place a year earlier. The exercise primarily sought to identify entries relating to deceased, duplicate, shifted and long-absent electors. At the same time, eligible citizens retain avenues to seek inclusion in the electoral rolls. A claim that requires an electoral-roll revision conducted a year after an election to explain the outcome of that election faces an obvious chronological problem. SIR is not a new political invention. Intensive revision of electoral rolls has been part of India’s electoral-administrative practice for decades. Such exercises were undertaken in 1965–66, 1983–84, 1993, 1995, 2002 and 2003. Their stated purpose has consistently included identifying ineligible, duplicate, deceased and shifted entries and improving the accuracy of electoral rolls. To portray intensive revision as a newly devised partisan instrument therefore overlooks the historical record of India’s electoral administration. The Supreme Court’s intervention does not amount to a rejection of SIR. On 27 May 2026, the Court recognised the Election Commission’s authority to undertake the exercise while also insisting upon safeguards to protect the voting rights of eligible citizens. The significance of that judicial scrutiny is difficult to reconcile with the claim that SIR is simply an extra-constitutional or inherently illegitimate exercise. The Court’s approach was not to leave eligible voters without remedy, but to insist that the revision operate with procedural safeguards. The present SIR cannot plausibly be explained as a response to the BJP’s 240-seat tally in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. The previous nationwide intensive revision took place in 2002–04—more than two decades before the present exercise. In the intervening period, India experienced major demographic and administrative changes, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the postponement of the 2021 Census. Concerns over deceased voters, duplicate entries and voters who had permanently shifted residence have also been raised by political parties and election stakeholders at different points. The administrative issue therefore predates the BJP’s 2024 electoral tally. The theory that SIR was designed as a mechanism to eliminate regional political leaders also runs into the electoral record. In Tamil Nadu, the BJP won one Lok Sabha seat in 2024. In Kerala, it won three. Political outcomes in these states cannot simply be reduced to a single electoral-roll exercise. West Bengal, meanwhile, has seen intense judicial scrutiny of the revision process. There has been no judicial finding establishing that SIR was responsible for particular electoral outcomes. The broader political record also complicates the theory of an all-powerful electoral “masterplan”. The BJP has itself lost numerous Assembly elections since 2015, including in Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh, while remaining in power at the Centre. Sixth, the chronology surrounding Gyanesh Kumar makes one particular allegation impossible on its face. Haryana voted in October 2024 and Maharashtra in November 2024. Gyanesh Kumar became Chief Election Commissioner only in February 2025. https://www.jagritiweekly.com/   / jagrititeluguweekly   https://www.instagram.com/jagriti_tv?... జాగృతి చందా చెల్లింపు ఇప్పుడు చాలా సులభం.. మీ ప్లేస్టోర్‌లో Jagriti Weekly అని సెర్చ్ చేస్తే, జాగృతి లోగోతో యాప్ కనిపిస్తుంది. ఈ యాప్‌ని ఇన్ స్టాల్ చేసుకుని చందాదారులుగా చేరండి, చేర్పించండి. ప్లేస్టోర్‌లో యాప్ లింక్: https://play.google.com/store/apps/de... ఈ కింది వీడియో లింక్ చూసి, యాప్ ద్వారా చెల్లింపు ప్రక్రియను తెలుసుకోండి.    • New Registrastion Process in JagritiTelugu...   జాగృతి తెలుగు వార పత్రిక ఒక సంవత్సరం చందా రూ.850/- + మేగజైన్ పోస్ట్ కావలసినవారు అదనంగా రూ.624/- అనగా మొత్తం రూ. 1474 /- 1 సం: చందా రూ.850/- 5 సం:ల చందా రూ.4,000/- Bank Details: A/c Name : Jagriti Prakashan Trust A/c No : 920010061405325, Axis Bank, Kothapet Branch. IFSC : UTIB0002157 సర్క్యులేషన్ మేనేజర్, జాగృతి. 9959997013