法国人为什么老上街抗议？因为在法国，上街真的管用。法国老年人的贫困率比年轻人更低，孩子承担了社会改革被延后的代价｜艾森 Essen

在法国，还债的钱第一次超过了教全国孩子读书的钱。而同一周，孩子们在堵自己学校的大门——到我们把片子做完，这场运动还没有停。 2026年9月中旬，巴黎东边的小城克雷泰伊，一所高中的学生从附近工地上搬来垃圾桶和铁护栏，把校门堵上了。不到两个星期，火就烧遍了全国：10月1日，全法国一千多所高中受影响，占了全国高中的四分之一以上。同一个星期，政府公布了明年的预算——2027年，法国光是还债的利息就要七百多亿欧元，而教育那一块，算上算下也就六百五十亿左右，还不包括老师的养老金。 10月8日，教育部长答应几天之内派三千名代课老师。可那是临时顶班的，不是新的编制。派了人，没给岗位——这句话几乎是这期节目最好的注脚。 2006年3月31日的晚上，总统希拉克上了电视。就在这一天，他签署了一部新法律，里面最要命的一条让 26 岁以下的年轻人进公司头两年可以不给理由就被开掉。他在电视上说，法律我签了，但我要求政府"立即准备两处修改"。签字和叫停，发生在同一天。一部已经写进法律汇编的法律，一天都没执行，就被埋了。埋它的不是议会，也不是法院，是街头。 很多人把法国人的抗议当成一种性格，一种爱闹的民族习惯。但如果你真的这么想，就小看了这件事。法国其实有两个议会：一个在国民议会大楼里，按票数表决；一个在大街上，按能让国家停下来多少来表决。而这张否决权的分布图，分得极不公平——有人手握能让全国停摆的岗位，有人握着一定会去投的那张票，有人握着议会里决定政府生死的几十票。而这场运动最先烧起来的地方，家里的大人要么没有选票，要么不去投票，孩子还没到投票的年龄：在那张分布图上，那片地方几乎是一块空白。 于是有人想把它讲成一场宗教骚乱。可这解释不了另一件事：没过几天，火上到了南特、里昂、尼斯，烧到了巴黎市中心的名校，那些学生说，他们是在为所有人的机会平等上街。 所以真正的问题不是"谁在闹"，而是：为什么一群十几岁的孩子能要来一个副校长、一名校医，却要不来分账桌上的一把椅子？为什么派得动三千名代课老师，却补不上一个新编制？为什么同一场改革，上街的人没能拦住，两年以后反而被议会里的 69 张票拦住了？而那个公共支出占到经济总量 57%、欧元区第二的政府，为什么连一间不漏水的教室都修不好？ 今天，咱们翻开法国这本四十年的账，从 1986 年一直翻到 2027 年，不喊口号，只算账：看看谁坐在那张分账桌上，谁在替没上桌的人签字。 #法国上街 #法国退休改革 #马克龙 #法国预算 #否决权 In France, the money spent servicing the national debt has just overtaken the money spent teaching the country's children. And in that same week, the children were blocking their own school gates — and as we finished this episode, the movement had not stopped. In mid-September 2026, in Créteil, east of Paris, students at one high school dragged rubbish bins and construction fencing across the entrance. Within two weeks it spread nationwide: on 1 October, more than a thousand high schools were affected, over a quarter of all lycées in France. In the same week, the government published next year's budget. In 2027, France will pay over €70 billion just in interest on its debt — while the education budget comes to roughly €65 billion, and that is before teachers' pensions are counted. On 8 October, the education minister promised three thousand substitute teachers within days. Temps, not posts: bodies were promised, positions were not. It may be the best footnote to this whole story. On the evening of 31 March 2006, President Chirac went on television. That same day he had signed a new law — the one that let employers fire workers under 26 without a reason in their first two years. He told the country he had signed it, and was asking the government to prepare "two immediate amendments". Signed and suspended, on the same day. A law that made it into the statute book was buried without ever being enforced — not by parliament, not by the courts, but by the street. Most people treat French protest as a national temperament. Look closer and it is something else. France has two parliaments: one votes in the National Assembly, the other votes on the street, and its currency is how much of the country you can shut down. And that map of veto power is distributed brutally unevenly — some hold jobs that can stop the nation, some hold a vote they will certainly cast, some hold the handful of seats that decide whether a government lives. And in the very places where this movement started, the adults at home either have no vote or do not cast one, and the children are too young to vote at all: on that map, this is close to blank space. So some want to explain it away as a religious riot. That cannot account for what happened next: within days it had spread to Nantes, to Lyon, to Nice — and to elite high schools in central Paris, where students said they were marching for equal opportunity for everyone. So the real question is not who is rioting. It is: why can a group of teenagers win a vice-principal and a school nurse — but not a chair at the table where the money is divided? Why can the state promise three thousand substitutes, yet not a single new post? Why did the reform a million marchers could not stop get stopped two years later by 69 votes in parliament? And why can a government that spends 57% of its economy — the second-highest in the eurozone — not fix a classroom with water coming through the ceiling? Today we open France's books, from 1986 to 2027. No slogans — just accounts: who sits at the table, and who signs on behalf of those who never got a seat. #France #FrenchPensionReform #Macron #FranceBudget #VetoPower 艾森 Essen｜推特 x.com/essen_ai｜油管    / @essenai   Join this channel to get access to perks:    / @essenai